India's Union Budget is not one document. It is a stack of dozens of documents, each structured differently, each revealing (or concealing) different things. This explorer draws on all of them. Here is what each source is, why it matters, and where you can find it.
Every table in this explorer shows the same four columns. Here is how to read them critically:
| Column | What It Shows | What to Watch For |
|---|---|---|
| Actual 24-25 | Verified spent amount | If much lower than BE, the scheme has execution problems |
| BE 25-26 | Last year's promise | Inflated promises create the illusion of growth |
| RE 25-26 | Last year's reality | The gap from BE is the "credibility deficit" |
| BE 26-27 | This year's promise | Compare to RE (reality) not BE (last promise) |
The critical comparison is always BE 26-27 vs RE 25-26, not BE vs BE. Governments announce large BEs for political messaging, then quietly lower them in the RE. If BE 26-27 merely matches last year's BE 25-26, it is likely overstating what will actually be spent.
Rs 95,125 crore in social spending now flows through off-budget reserve funds outside parliamentary scrutiny. MGNREGA was cut 66% and replaced with a scheme that shifts costs to states. Gig worker promises abandoned. Air quality defunded. Education and women's budgets barely keep pace with inflation. Navigate using the tabs above, or start with How to Read This for context on budget documents.
| Category | Actual 24-25 | BE 25-26 | RE 25-26 | BE 26-27 | YoY % |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Total Budget Expenditure | 46,52,867 | 50,65,345 | 49,64,842 | 53,47,315 | +5.6% |
| Revenue Expenditure | 36,00,914 | 39,44,255 | 38,69,087 | 41,25,494 | +4.6% |
| Capital Expenditure | 10,51,953 | 11,21,090 | 10,95,755 | 12,21,821 | +9.0% |
| Central Sector Schemes | 14,94,392 | 16,21,899 | 16,37,156 | 17,71,928 | +9.3% |
| Centrally Sponsored Schemes | 4,02,368 | 5,41,850 | 4,20,078 | 5,48,798 | +1.3% |
| Finance Commission Transfers | 1,20,858 | 1,32,767 | 1,52,953 | 1,29,397 | -2.5% |
Color: ■ Deep cut ■ Cut ■ Below inflation (<5%) ■ Real growth ■ Major increase (>15%)
The underspending pattern is the real story. BE numbers look adequate. But RE 2025-26 reveals massive execution failures: Drinking Water spent only 31% of its allocation. Labour spent 39%. Skill Development spent 44%. Housing spent 59%. The government announces allocations for headlines, then quietly fails to spend them.
Click any ministry to expand its full scheme-level table. Each table shows four years of data (Actual/BE/RE/BE), the year-on-year change, OOMF targets where available, and a finding note with hyperlinked sources. Data is from the Demands for Grants and Statement 3A.
Last year, Rs 41,700 crore sat in a line called "New Schemes" in DFG 30 (Economic Affairs) with no explanation. This year it shrank 95% to Rs 2,000 crore. The money didn't vanish. It moved into a web of off-budget reserve funds. For an explanation of what reserve funds are and how they work, see How to Read This.
| Reserve Fund | Source DFG | RE 25-26 (Loaded) | BE 26-27 (Drawn) | Mechanism |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| NEGF (MGNREGA) | DFG 87 | Existing balance | 30,000 | National Employment Guarantee Fund; MGNREGA wage payments |
| PMSSN (Health) | DFG 46 | 30,725 | 30,725 | Health & Education Cess proceeds; NHM + PMJAY top-up |
| TNSF (Nat. Security) | DFG 30 | 30,000 | 30,000 | Pre-loaded in RE; "technology for national security architecture" |
| AIDF (Agriculture) | DFG 87 | Existing | 4,400 | Agriculture Infrastructure Development Fund |
| Econ. Stabilisation Fund | DFG 30 | 50,000 | Not drawn | No public explanation; no drawdown conditions; no sunset clause |
| TOTAL | ~1,10,725+ | 95,125 | Outside parliamentary budget scrutiny |
"Technology in National Security" (TNSF): a brand new line item in DFG 30 with zero prior history. Rs 30,000 crore flows from the pre-loaded TNSF, plus Rs 9,800 crore from budget. The entire public explanation: "Development of technology for the overall national security architecture." One sentence. No OOMF entry. No committee scrutiny.
Economic Stabilisation Fund: Loaded into DEA during RE 2025-26. Not yet drawn in BE 2026-27. No public explanation, no drawdown conditions, no sunset clause. Larger than the entire Education CSS allocation (Rs 48,860 crore). See CSEP's framework for analytical precedent on off-budget mechanisms.
| Year | BE Allocation | RE (Actual Use) | What It Funded (Per DFG 30 Notes) |
|---|---|---|---|
| 2024-25 | 0 | 0 | N/A |
| 2025-26 | 41,700 cr | 35,713 cr | Not specified in BE. RE notes: loaded into reserve funds |
| 2026-27 | 2,000 cr | TBD | City Economic Regions (7 cities) + Regional Medical Hubs (5) |
The 95% drop (Rs 41,700 to Rs 2,000 crore) occurred because the government has shifted from using "New Schemes" as a catch-all to pre-loading specific reserve funds during RE. The money doesn't disappear; it becomes harder to track. In 2026-27, the New Schemes line actually names what it funds (City Economic Regions and Medical Hubs), which is an improvement in transparency for this line but does not address the much larger sums now sitting in reserve funds.
This budget rewrites the entire employment architecture. MGNREGA is replaced with VB-G RAM G (shifting costs to states), e-SHRAM is dissolved into SRISTI (at 0.003% of the original budget), and a new Rs 20,000 crore formalisation scheme (PM-VBRY) targets EPFO enrolments. Gig workers, domestic workers, construction workers, and the 90% of India's workforce in informal employment get almost nothing. Sources: DFG 87, DFG 64, Budget Speech.
MGNREGA (100% centrally funded) was replaced with VB-G RAM G (60:40 cost-sharing). Combined allocation grew 43% on paper, but Rs 55,590 crore in annual costs shifted to state balance sheets. For what CSS vs CS means, see How to Read This. Sources: DFG 87, The Wire.
Average MGNREGA employment in 2024-25. The 125-day guarantee would require Rs 4 lakh crore at Rs 356/day for 9 crore households. Allocation: Rs 1.26 lakh crore. Jean Drèze: "Raising the ceiling is symbolic when 98% get less than 100 days." The OOMF entry for VB-G RAM G says targets are "not amenable" to quantification.
The Ministry of Labour & Employment's total allocation is Rs 32,666 crore, virtually unchanged from BE 25-26 (Rs 32,646 crore). But RE 25-26 was only Rs 12,688 crore, meaning the ministry spent 39% of its BE last year. The entire DFG is dominated by two items: the EPS pension payout and the new PM-VBRY formalisation scheme. Everything else is marginal. Source: DFG 64.
| Scheme | Actual 24-25 | BE 25-26 | RE 25-26 | BE 26-27 | Note |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Employees Pension Scheme (EPS), 1995 | 10,235 | 11,250 | 10,500 | 11,144 | Govt contribution to EPFO pensions |
| PM Viksit Bharat Rozgar Yojana (PM-VBRY) | 20,083 | NEW. Replaces Employment Generation Scheme | |||
| (Old: New Employment Generation) | 0.16 | 20,000 | 848 | Renamed and restructured | |
| PM Shram Yogi Maandhan | 232 | 244 | 244 | 250 | Pension for unorganised workers |
| SRISTI (replaces e-SHRAM/NDUW) | 28 | NEW. Portal merger | |||
| (Old: e-SHRAM / NDUW) | 24 | 28 | 25 | Dissolved into SRISTI | |
| PM Karam Yogi Maandhan | 5 | 3 | 3 | Shopkeepers/retailers pension | |
| Labour & Employment Statistical System (LESS) | 13 | 73 | 25 | 75 | Surveys & data collection |
| Labour Welfare (Beedi, Cine, Mine workers) | 40 | 51 | 78 | 52 | Welfare funds for specific worker categories |
| National Career Services | 47 | 77 | 60 | 80 | Job matching portal + career centres |
| Plantation Workers (Assam) | 63 | 67 | 61 | 69 | Social security for Assam tea workers |
| Establishment + Autonomous Bodies | 761 | 826 | 822 | 852 | Secretariat, Labour Bureau, DGMS, DGFASLI, NLI |
| Grand Total (DFG 64) | 11,408 | 32,646 | 12,688 | 32,666 | RE was 39% of BE |
The 39% spending rate tells you everything. DFG 64 was allocated Rs 32,646 crore in BE 25-26, but actually spent only Rs 12,688 crore (RE). The gap is almost entirely PM-VBRY's predecessor: the Employment Generation Scheme got Rs 20,000 crore in BE but spent only Rs 848 crore. In 2026-27, the same scheme (renamed PM-VBRY) gets Rs 20,083 crore. The OOMF targets 84 lakh first-time EPFO registrations and 1.44 crore re-joiners, but based on last year's spending pattern, the question is whether this money will actually be disbursed.
Budget 2025-26 promised Ayushman Bharat coverage for gig workers and mass registration on e-SHRAM. The Implementation document confirms what happened: 12 aggregators onboarded (Zomato, Swiggy, Uber, Ola, Amazon, Blinkit, Urban Company, Rapido, Zepto, Porter, Ecom Express, Uncle Delivery), 3 nationwide registration campaigns conducted. Result: approximately 1 lakh workers registered out of a 1 crore target. That is 0.1% achievement. Then in 2026-27, e-SHRAM's allocation was set to zero. The entire portal was merged into SRISTI at Rs 28 crore. Sources: DFG 64.
What happened to the Ayushman Bharat promise? Budget 2025-26 explicitly said gig workers would get PM-JAY health coverage. The Implementation document confirms NHA "provided all support" to the Labour Ministry. But 2026-27 shows no allocation line for gig worker healthcare anywhere in DFG 46 (Health) or DFG 64 (Labour). The 12 aggregators were onboarded, the campaigns were run, and then the funding was pulled. PMJAY expansion for gig workers appears to have been quietly shelved.
India has approximately 53.5 crore workers, of whom roughly 90% are in informal employment (PLFS 2023-24). The central budget's instruments for reaching them are remarkably thin. Here is every scheme that directly targets informal, unorganised, or self-employed workers, and what each actually gets:
| Scheme | Target Group | BE 26-27 (Rs cr) | Per-worker/year | What It Actually Does |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| PM Shram Yogi Maandhan | Unorganised workers (18-40 yrs, income <15K/month) | 250 | ~Rs 54 | Pension: Rs 3,000/month after 60. Govt matches worker contribution |
| PM Karam Yogi Maandhan | Shopkeepers, retailers, self-employed | 3 | Negligible | Same pension design. Enrollment stalled since 2020 |
| SRISTI (ex-e-SHRAM) | 31 crore registered unorganised workers | 28 | Rs 0.09 | Portal maintenance. No benefits attached |
| Labour Welfare Scheme | Beedi, Cine, Mine workers | 52 | Welfare funds for specific occupational categories | |
| Plantation Workers (Assam) | Tea plantation workers in Assam | 69 | Pension + deposit-linked insurance | |
| National Career Services | Job seekers (all) | 80 | Job matching portal. 3,000+ occupations listed | |
| Total for informal workers | 482 | 1.5% of DFG 64 |
Rs 482 crore for 48 crore workers. The total allocation for all schemes directly targeting informal and unorganised workers is Rs 482 crore, which amounts to roughly Rs 10 per worker per year. By contrast, the EPS (for formal sector pensioners) gets Rs 11,144 crore, and PM-VBRY (for new formal sector entrants) gets Rs 20,083 crore. The budget's employment architecture is built around formalisation. If you are already informal, and most Indians are, the budget has almost nothing for you.
PM-VBRY is the budget's biggest employment bet at Rs 20,083 crore. It replaces the old Employment Generation Scheme (which spent 4.2% of its allocation last year). The scheme incentivises formal employment by subsidising EPFO contributions for first-time registrations. The OOMF targets are ambitious. Source: DFG 64.
The formalisation paradox. PM-VBRY targets workers who are on the cusp of formal employment, those whom an EPFO subsidy might tip into the formal system. This is valuable but inherently limited. India's informal economy is not informal because of a lack of EPFO subsidies. It is informal because most employment happens in firms with fewer than 10 workers, in agriculture, construction, domestic work, and self-employment. These sectors have structural barriers to formalisation (seasonal work, piece-rate payment, subcontracting chains, no fixed employer) that no payroll subsidy can address. The budget puts Rs 20,083 crore on the formalisation bet and Rs 482 crore on everything else.
India has an estimated 5.5 crore construction workers. State-level Building and Other Construction Workers (BOCW) cess funds hold over Rs 38,000 crore in accumulated balances (per CAG estimates). These funds are collected as a 1% cess on construction costs but are notoriously underutilised. The central budget's role is limited: the Labour Ministry provides establishment support, and BOCW registration and welfare delivery are state subjects. But the centre has not used its convening power to push states on cess utilisation or portability of benefits for migrant construction workers.
India's domestic workers (estimated 5-6 crore, predominantly women) remain completely absent from the budget. They are excluded from all four Labour Codes. PM Shram Yogi Maandhan technically covers them, but enrollment requires a monthly contribution that most domestic workers cannot sustain. The ILO's Convention 189 on Domestic Workers, which India has not ratified, provides a framework for minimum wage, weekly rest, and social security that India's budget does not engage with at any level.
The complete picture. For India's ~48 crore informal workers: Rs 482 crore (Rs 10/worker). For formalisation of workers already near the formal sector: Rs 20,083 crore. For existing formal sector pensioners: Rs 11,144 crore. The budget's employment architecture has clear priorities, and they do not include the vast majority of Indian workers.
Combined education spending rose to Rs 1,39,289 crore (+8.3% over BE 25-26), but 14% underspending in RE 25-26 signals persistent execution failures. The real action is in Central Sector schemes (university townships, AVGC labs) while Centrally Sponsored Schemes, which carry the bulk of school education, grew just 0.6%. Sources: DFG 25, DFG 26.
| Component | Actual 24-25 | BE 25-26 | RE 25-26 | BE 26-27 | YoY % |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| CSS (Samagra Shiksha, PM-SHRI, POSHAN) | 50,669 | 62,660 | 53,730 | 63,010 | +0.6% |
| Central Sector Schemes | 353 | 429 | 879 | 3,631 | +746% |
| AVGC Labs (15K schools + 500 colleges) | NEW | NEW | |||
| Establishment | 47 | 53 | 51 | 55 | +3.8% |
| Component | Actual 24-25 | BE 25-26 | RE 25-26 | BE 26-27 | YoY % |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Central Sector Schemes | 4,302 | 5,176 | 6,758 | 8,292 | +60.2% |
| 5 University Townships | NEW | NEW | |||
| Girls' STEM Hostels | NEW | NEW | |||
| CSS | 301 | 1,815 | 800 | 1,850 | +1.9% |
| IITs/IIMs/Institutions | 14,090 | 15,431 | 15,907 | 16,867 | +9.3% |
The two-speed story. CS schemes surged 746% in school education and 60% in higher education, driven by new flagship announcements (AVGC labs, university townships, STEM hostels). But CSS, the bulk of school education funding at Rs 63,010 crore, grew only 0.6%, which is a real-terms decline. Samagra Shiksha, PM-SHRI schools, and PM POSHAN together face the same chronic pattern: generous BEs, quiet RE cuts, and headlines driven by new capital projects rather than the operational funding that keeps schools running. An "Education to Employment" High-Level Standing Committee has been announced but has no allocated budget line.
NEP 2020 spending gap: The National Education Policy targeted 6% of GDP for education. Actual allocation is approximately 2.9% of GDP. The 15th Finance Commission had sector-specific education grants (Rs 4,800 cr/year). The 16th FC discontinued these entirely.
Total health allocation is Rs 1,01,709 crore (+6.0%). But Rs 30,725 crore of this flows through the off-budget PMSSN fund, not from fresh budget allocation. Strip out the off-budget component and NHM budget support actually declined. Sources: DFG 46, PRS.
| Scheme | Actual 24-25 | BE 25-26 | RE 25-26 | BE 26-27 | YoY % |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| NHM (gross) | 33,520 | 36,085 | 36,185 | 39,390 | +9.2% |
| NHM (net of PMSSN top-up) | 36,085 | 31,820 | -11.8% | ||
| PMJAY (Ayushman Bharat) | 7,019 | 7,500 | 7,500 | 9,500 | +26.7% |
| PMABHIM (Infrastructure) | 4,062 | 5,846 | 6,052 | 4,770 | -18.4% |
| Allied Health Professionals | 1,000 | NEW | |||
| PMSSN Fund Draw | 30,725 | 30,725 |
The NHM accounting puzzle. NHM's gross allocation appears to grow 9.2% (Rs 36,085 to Rs 39,390 crore). But Rs 7,570 crore of that comes from PMSSN cess proceeds, not new budget money. Subtract the off-budget top-up and net NHM budget support is actually Rs 31,820 crore, which represents an 11.8% decline. The 15th Finance Commission's health grants (Rs 4,800 crore/year) have been discontinued by the 16th FC, creating an additional gap. PMJAY expansion to gig workers was quietly dropped.
Total environment allocation rose 10.1% to Rs 3,759 crore, but the growth is driven entirely by CAMPA (forests). NCAP, the national clean air programme, was cut 30%. Climate Action Plan gets Rs 50 crore. Sources: DFG 28, CREA, CSE.
| Scheme | Actual 24-25 | BE 25-26 | RE 25-26 | BE 26-27 | YoY % |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| NCAP / Pollution Control | 1,003 | 1,552 | 1,437 | 1,091 | -29.7% |
| CAMPA (Afforestation) | 859 | 1,200 | 1,195 | 1,700 | +41.7% |
| Project Tiger | 152 | 175 | 185 | 200 | +14.3% |
| Climate Action Plan | 55 | 65 | 63 | 50 | -23.1% |
| Other / Establishment | 722 | 421 | 602 | 718 | +70.5% |
Zero mention in the Budget Speech. Air pollution kills an estimated 1.6 million Indians annually (Lancet). NCAP was cut from Rs 1,552 cr (BE 25-26) to Rs 1,091 cr, a 30% reduction. Only 23 of 130 NCAP cities met even the revised (weakened) PM2.5 target. The programme has no PM2.5 source apportionment requirement. CREA's 2025 report found most cities lack even basic monitoring infrastructure. Meanwhile, the Climate Action Plan gets Rs 50 crore, roughly what the central government spends on a single interchange flyover.
The ministry's allocation grew 4.8% nominally to Rs 28,183 crore, which translates to roughly zero real growth at current inflation. RE 25-26 was 9.4% below BE, confirming persistent underspending. New schemes (SHE-Marts, Lakhpati Didi expansion) were announced without corresponding budget increases. Source: DFG 101.
| Scheme | Actual 24-25 | BE 25-26 | RE 25-26 | BE 26-27 | YoY % |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| CSS (umbrella) | 24,595 | 26,640 | 24,079 | 27,890 | +4.7% |
| Mission Shakti | (umbrella) | ||||
| POSHAN Abhiyaan | (umbrella) | ||||
| Saksham Anganwadi | (umbrella) | ||||
| SHE-Marts | NEW | NEW | |||
| Lakhpati Didi (1 crore target) | (expanded) | ||||
| Other CS | 170 | 165 | 210 | 203 | +23.0% |
| Establishment | 77 | 85 | 85 | 90 | +5.9% |
Care economy at 0.08% of GDP. NIPFP recommended allocating 1% of GDP to the care economy (childcare, elderly care, disability support). Actual WCD allocation is 0.08% of GDP. Anganwadi workers remain underpaid (Rs 4,500-5,000/month across most states). POSHAN Abhiyaan, NFHS-5 showed some stunting improvements, but child wasting (acute malnutrition) remains among the world's worst at 19.3%. New SHE-Marts and Lakhpati Didi are announcement-heavy but come without visible incremental budget lines in the DFG.
Lakhpati Didi: Target of 1 crore women SHG members earning Rs 1 lakh annually. The Budget Speech mentions it prominently, but the funding mechanism remains unclear. The incremental cost is not visible as a separate line in DFG 101. It appears to be absorbed within the existing DAY-NRLM allocation under Rural Development (DFG 87), which was itself cut 15.8%.
Urban and rural infrastructure present the budget's starkest execution crisis. Housing & Urban Affairs was cut 11.6%. Drinking Water (Jal Jeevan Mission) had 69% of its allocation unspent. Both repeat the same inflated BE numbers with no accountability for last year's delivery failure. Sources: DFG 60, DFG 63.
| Scheme | Actual 24-25 | BE 25-26 | RE 25-26 | BE 26-27 | YoY % |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| CS Schemes (incl. PMAY-U) | 33,321 | 39,139 | 34,147 | 37,149 | -5.1% |
| CSS (Smart Cities, SBM-U) | 16,059 | 53,604 | 18,950 | 44,162 | -17.6% |
| SASCI Scheme | Rs 2L cr to states | NEW | |||
| Establishment | 2,018 | 2,064 | 2,031 | 2,061 | -0.1% |
| Scheme | Actual 24-25 | BE 25-26 | RE 25-26 | BE 26-27 | YoY % |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jal Jeevan Mission (CSS) | 25,823 | 74,192 | 23,000 | 74,862 | +0.9% |
| Unspent gap (25-26) | 51,195 | ||||
| Establishment | 30 | 34 | 31 | 33 | -2.9% |
The SASCI announcement. The Budget Speech announced the SASCI scheme with "Rs 2 lakh crore support to states for urban infrastructure." This is not a direct allocation. It appears to be a loan/guarantee framework spread over multiple years, similar to previous announcements that create large headline numbers without immediate budget commitment. The mechanism and drawdown conditions are not specified in the DFG.
Agriculture allocation grew 2.6% to Rs 1,30,561 crore, below inflation. Food subsidy (Rs 2,35,047 crore) remains the largest social expenditure and one of the few where RE exceeded BE, reflecting actual demand-driven spending on NFSA. But PM-KISAN at Rs 6,000/year per farmer has not been indexed since its 2019 launch. Sources: DFG 1, DFG 15.
| Scheme | BE 26-27 | Note |
|---|---|---|
| PM-KISAN | 60,000 | Rs 6,000/yr per farmer. Not indexed since 2019. Real value decline ~25% |
| PM Fasal Bima Yojna | (crop insurance) | Major CSS. Premium subsidy model |
| Natural Farming Mission | (expanding) | Budget Speech priority. Scheme details awaited |
| Krishionnati Yojna | (agri development) | Umbrella CSS for horticulture, marketing, mechanisation |
| Scheme | Actual 24-25 | BE 25-26 | RE 25-26 | BE 26-27 | YoY % |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Food Subsidy (NFSA) | 2,28,255 | ||||
| PM Garib Kalyan Anna Yojna | (free grain extension) | ||||
| Total DFG 15 | 2,07,707 | 2,11,406 | 2,35,048 | 2,35,047 | +11.2% |
The largest social programme nobody discusses. Food subsidy at Rs 2.35 lakh crore is the single largest social sector expenditure, larger than defence. It is one of the few genuinely demand-driven programmes where the government cannot easily underspend because NFSA entitlements are legally binding. This stands in sharp contrast to schemes like JJM or Skill Development where BEs are routinely inflated and then quietly cut in RE. The food system works precisely because it leaves less room for executive discretion.
Budget 2025-26 commitments vs 2026-27 allocations, cross-referenced with the Implementation of Budget Announcements 2025-26.
| Provision | Recommendation | Govt Action | Impact on States |
|---|---|---|---|
| Vertical Devolution | 41% of net Union tax | Accepted (same as 15th FC) | No increase despite rising CSS cost-sharing burden |
| Revenue Deficit Grants | NOT recommended | N/A | States with revenue deficits get zero relief |
| Sector-Specific Grants | NOT recommended | N/A | 15th FC health grants (Rs 4,800 cr/yr) discontinued |
| CSS Restructuring | Recommended rationalisation | DEFERRED | States continue bearing rising CSS costs |
| Local Body Grants | Rs 7,91,493 cr (2026-31) | Accepted | 60:40 Rural:Urban. Performance conditions |
| Disaster Management | Rs 2,04,401 cr corpus | Accepted | 75:25 cost-sharing |
The Output-Outcome Monitoring Framework is meant to track whether money delivers results. Several key entries reveal how the government avoids measurable commitments:
| Ministry | Scheme | Output Indicator | Target 26-27 | Outcome Status |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Rural Dev | VB-G RAM G | Persondays generated | NOT AMENABLE | NOT AMENABLE |
| Rural Dev | PMAY-G | Houses completed | 32 lakh | Incremental |
| Rural Dev | DAY-NRLM | SHGs promoted | 30 lakh | Not specified |
| Rural Dev | PMGSY | Road length | 5,000 km | Incremental |
| Health | NHM (AAMs) | AAMs with 12 packages | 92% | Progressive |
| Health | NHM (Sickle Cell) | Screenings | 1 crore | Incremental |
| Environment | NCAP | Cities meeting target | 23 of 130 | 18% compliance |
VB-G RAM G, the flagship Rs 95,692 crore rural employment scheme, has no quantified performance target. The OOMF document says both output and outcome targets are "not amenable." This is the government's own admission that it cannot or will not measure the impact of its largest new social programme.